Melisende
Queen of Jerusalem
Reign	1131–1152
Coronation	14 September 1131
Predecessor	Baldwin II
Successor	Baldwin III
Co-rulers	Fulk (1131–1143) Baldwin III (1143–1152)
Born	c. 1110
Died	11 September 1161 (aged 51–52)
Burial	Abbey of Saint Mary of the Valley of Jehosaphat
Spouse	Fulk V of Anjou
Issue	Baldwin III of Jerusalem Amalric of Jerusalem
House	House of Rethel
Father	Baldwin II of Jerusalem
Mother	Morphia of Melitene
Religion	Roman Catholicism

Melisende (c. 1110 – 11 September 1161) was the queen of Jerusalem from 1131 to 1152. She was the first female ruler of the Kingdom of Jerusalem and the first woman to hold a public office in the crusader kingdom. She became legendary already in her lifetime for her generous support of the various Christian communities in her kingdom. Contemporary chronicler William of Tyre praised her wisdom and abilities, while modern historians differ in their assessment.

Melisende was the eldest daughter of King Baldwin II and Queen Morphia. In the late 1120s, when it became clear that her father would likely not have a son, she was declared heir presumptive to the throne and married to Fulk of Anjou. Baldwin II died on 21 August 1131, having conferred the kingdom on Melisende, Fulk, and their son Baldwin III. Melisende and Fulk were crowned on 14 September.

Early in the joint reign Fulk attempted to rule without Melisende. Barons led by Melisende's kinsman Count Hugh II of Jaffa revolted, and although Hugh was defeated and exiled, Melisende grew powerful and terrorized the king and his supporters until he agreed to accord a share of the government to her. Once reconciled, they had another son, Amalric, and Fulk no longer made any decision in the kingdom without Melisende's assent. During their joint rule Melisende managed Church relations and patronage. Fulk died on 10 November 1143, and Melisende assumed full power. She was crowned together with their still underage elder son, Baldwin III, on 25 December. Baldwin reached the age of majority in 1145, but Melisende steadfastly refused to cede any authority to him. Her reign saw two catastrophic Christian losses to the Muslims: the fall of Edessa in 1144 and the failed attempt, which she likely opposed, to take Damascus in 1148 during the Second Crusade.

Melisende's relationship with Baldwin III collapsed in 1150 as she further reduced his role in state affairs. In early April 1152 it was decided in the High Court that the kingdom would be divided between mother and son. Within weeks, however, Baldwin invaded Melisende's portion and besieged her in the Tower of David. In late April Melisende agreed to step down and retire to Nablus. She continued to involve herself in the affairs of her family, who also ruled the crusader states of Antioch and Tripoli. Although her influence in Jerusalem became limited, she counselled Baldwin and took successful military initiative in his absence. Her patronage and involvement in ecclesiastical matters also continued. In 1161 she became incapacitated by an illness, possibly a stroke, and died on 11 September.

The four crusader states of the Levant–the Kingdom of Jerusalem, the Principality of Antioch, the County of Tripoli, and the County of Edessa–were created by the Franks, the Latin Christians who invaded the region and defeated its Muslim rulers during the First Crusade in 1098–99.^[1] Melisende was the eldest daughter of Baldwin of Bourcq, a Frankish crusader, and Morphia of Melitene, an Armenian noblewoman of the Greek Orthodox faith.^[2] The native Christians of the Levant were ethnically and doctrinally diverse, and included the adherents of the Greek Orthodox, Armenian Apostolic, Syriac Orthodox, Maronite, Coptic Orthodox, East Syriac, and Georgian Orthodox Churches.^[3] The historian Jaroslav Folda remarks that Melisende's mixed heritage reflected the region's ethnoreligious diversity.^[4]

Melisende's parents probably married in 1100, according to the historian Bernard Hamilton;^[2] Folda dates Melisende's birth to around 1110 or a little earlier.^[5] She and two of her sisters, Alice and Hodierna, were born while their father, also known as Baldwin II, was the count of Edessa.^[2] Folda thus believes that Melisende was born in Edessa.^[5] In 1118 Baldwin set out on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. During this journey the king of Jerusalem, Baldwin I, died. Baldwin II was elected to succeed him.^[6] In 1119 the new king returned to Edessa to install his cousin Joscelin of Courtenay as the new count and to bring his wife and their daughters to Jerusalem.^[7] Melisende gained another sister, Ioveta, after her parents were crowned king and queen in 1119.^[8]

The crusader states were in a near constant state of war, and their defense fell to men.^[9] Baldwin II was the first Frankish ruler of Jerusalem to have children; yet all four of his children were daughters, and no conventions had yet developed in the crusader states regarding female succession.^[10] The marriage of Melisende's parents was happy despite there being no male heir to the kingdom.^[2] Morphia took no part in the affairs of state, and neither had Baldwin I's wives Arda of Armenia and Adelaide del Vasto.^[11]

Queen Morphia died on 1 October, probably in 1126 or 1127. Since he no longer expected to have a son, King Baldwin started providing for his daughters and settling his succession.^[10] Melisende, the eldest daughter, was to be his heir. Alice, the second eldest, was married to Prince Bohemond II of Antioch in 1126. Hodierna, the third daughter, may have been betrothed to Raymond of Tripoli already at this time. Ioveta, the youngest, was sent to the Convent of Saint Anne; the historian Hans E. Mayer believes that this was "the safest way" to ensure that her status as a porphyrogenita (born to crowned parents) would not threaten Melisende's claim.^[12]

In late 1127 or, less likely, early 1128 an embassy led by the prince of Galilee, William I of Bures, and the nobleman Guy I Brisebarre travelled to France to arrange a marriage for Melisende. After conferring with King Louis VI, the embassy arrived in early 1128 at the court of Count Fulk V of Anjou.^[12] Some historians, including Steven Runciman,^[13] have concluded that Fulk was selected by Louis. Mayer asserts that Fulk was chosen by an assembly held in the Kingdom of Jerusalem before the embassy departed, citing the chronicler William of Tyre, and that the embassy only sought Louis's consent, which was necessary because Fulk was Louis's vassal.^[12] Fulk was already an experienced ruler.^[14] He had been to Jerusalem on a pilgrimage in 1120 and left a good impression by personally providing for a force of 100 knights for a year.^[15] His wife, Eremburga of Maine, had died in late 1126,^[15] and he already had grown children.^[14]

While the embassy was in Europe, Baldwin started associating Melisende with him in official documents: in a charter from March 1129 she as a witness takes precedence over all the clergy, and in another she again heads the list of witnesses and is explicitly called "daughter of the king and heir of the kingdom".^[16][4] Mayer initially thought that Melisende had been declared heir before the embassy was sent to France, but eventually concluded that her official recognition was a condition imposed by Fulk before he would agree to a marriage contract and come to Jerusalem.^[17] Mayer argues that Fulk saw a useful precedent in the formal recognition of Empress Matilda, who married Fulk's son Geoffrey Plantagenet in June 1128, as the heir presumptive to her father, King Henry I of England.^[18]

Having relinquished the counties of Anjou and Maine to his son Geoffrey, Fulk arrived in the Kingdom of Jerusalem with the embassy in May 1129.^[15] Their marriage was celebrated before 2 June.^[19] Runciman assumes that they married in Jerusalem, but Folda notes that it may as well have been in Acre and that most recent historians prefer not to speculate.^[4] King Baldwin bestowed upon them, as Melisende's dowry, the cities of Acre and Tyre. These were the most lucrative parts of the royal domain and were to be held by the couple during the king's lifetime.^[15] In the first half of 1130 Melisende gave birth to a son, Baldwin.^[14]

Prince Bohemond II of Antioch, husband of Melisende's sister Alice, died in 1130. He and Alice had had only one child, Constance, who was aged two on Bohemond's death. Alice attempted to seize power, but Baldwin marched to Antioch and prevented her.^[20] He left Count Joscelin I of Edessa in charge of the principality until a marriage could be arranged for Constance.^[21] The king fell seriously ill after returning. In August 1131 he had himself carried to the house of the Latin patriarch of Jerusalem, wishing to die near the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. There he summoned Melisende, Fulk, and their infant son, Baldwin, and proceeded to confer the kingdom on the three of them. King Baldwin II died on 21 August. Fulk and Melisende were crowned king and queen in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre on 14 September, the Holy Cross Day. They were the first monarchs to be crowned in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.^[22]

Joscelin died soon after Baldwin II, and Alice took the opportunity to again seize power in Antioch. Fulk invaded at the invitation of Antiochene barons and installed a new government in the principality.^[23]

Early in her queenship Melisende found herself deprived of the power she had possessed during her father's lifetime. Fulk did not associate her in any of his public acts for the first five years of the new reign.^[14] He deliberately attempted to remove Melisende from power,^[24] which was in contravention of both their marriage contract and Baldwin II's last will.^[25] Melisende's exclusion from power was not just a matter of protocol: without a role in the government she could not grant appointments and land.^[26] In 1134 noblemen led by Melisende's second cousin and vassal Count Hugh II of Jaffa revolted against Fulk.^[27] The reasons are not entirely clear.^[28] Hamilton agrees with Mayer's conclusion that the conflict originated from Fulk's replacement of the kingdom's established nobility with newcomers from Anjou.^[26][29] According to Mayer, the noblemen may have expected to be protected by the queen from the king's designs if they succeeded in restoring to her the place in government which her father had intended for her to have.^[29] The historian Malcolm Barber argues that Melisende must have been involved in the revolt, but concedes that her role is unknown.^[30]

William of Tyre recorded the rumour that the queen was having an illicit relationship with the "young and very handsome" Count Hugh, drawing the king's ire.^[31] Hamilton and Mayer both discount the gossip. Mayer argues that William himself did not believe the rumour^[32] and that a medieval queen, being constantly attended by the members of her household and the court, would have found it exceedingly difficult to have a secret lover.^[33] Hamilton, on the other hand, argues that public opinion, spearheaded by the clergy, would have sided with Fulk and not, as it did, with Melisende if she had committed adultery.^[26] Mayer suspects that the rumors may have been spread by Fulk to both get rid of Hugh and to have Melisende locked up in a monastery, circumventing Baldwin II's will.^[24]

Hugh's stepson Walter I Grenier, lord of Caesarea, openly accused him of treason at court.^[14] Mayer suggests that Walter may have been incited to make this accusation. Hugh denied the charge and was challenged to a trial by combat, but did not appear. The king thus obtained a legal reason to confiscate Hugh's County of Jaffa. Fulk laid siege to Jaffa, but the patriarch intervened and mediated a peace: Hugh would cede Jaffa to the king and receive it back after spending three years in exile. Before he could leave for Europe Hugh was stabbed in the street by a knight.^[32] After recovering he went into his exile, where he died.^[34] The assassination attempt was widely suspected to have been ordered by King Fulk;^[26] though Fulk's involvement was never proven, his reputation was severely damaged.^[35]

Melisende was incensed by Fulk's treatment of Hugh and the slight on her honor.^[26][36] Fulk's men did not dare appear in her presence. The queen directed most of her wrath at the viscount, Rohard the Elder, whom she held most responsible for influencing Fulk. Fulk himself did not feel safe around his wife's supporters.^[35] Mayer suggests that for this reason Fulk stayed in Antioch in 1135.^[33] The court was disrupted until third parties mediated a reconciliation between the king and queen. After persistent attempts Fulk succeeded in obtaining Melisende's pardon for Rohard and his other supporters, who were then able to appear at court again.^[35] From then on Fulk, in the words of William of Tyre, "did not attempt to take the initiative, even in trivial matters, without her knowledge".^[26]

After their reconciliation Fulk never again issued a charter pertaining to the Kingdom of Jerusalem without Melisende's consent.^[24] He did not seek Melisende's consent where he did not have to, however. He based his regency for Melisende's niece Constance of Antioch on the decision of the barons of the principality, and Melisende had no claim to it.^[37] According to Barber, maintaining hostilities with Fulk was not in Melisende's interest after she was restored to power. He notes that Melisende needed to strengthen her succession, which had hitherto rested on only one son; and that she wished to influence Fulk's policies in Antioch, where her sister Alice once again seized power. Melisende did successfully intercede with Fulk not to interfere with Alice's actions. He returned from Antioch in late 1135, and the royal couple conceived another child.^[30] A son, Amalric, was born in 1136.^[38] He became Melisende's favorite child.^[39]

A tangible result of Melisende and Fulk's reconciliation is the luxurious Melisende Psalter.^[40] The psalter is a personal prayer book commissioned around 1135,^[40] and interpreted by Folda as part of Fulk's energetic attempts to ingratiate himself with Melisende.^[41] It reflects the amalgamation of Western, Greek, and Armenian cultures in the crusader states.^[42] Folda argues that the psalter points to the recipient's artistic taste, interests, and sensibilities as queen of a diverse population.^[43]

Melisende's intervention did not guarantee Alice's fortunes for long: she lost her regency in Antioch, this time permanently, when Raymond of Poitiers arrived to marry her still-underage daughter, Constance, in 1136.^[44] The queen was also determined to make provisions for her youngest sisters, Hodierna and Ioveta, who were children when their father died. Hodierna married the count of Tripoli, Raymond II, sometime before 1138. Barber believes that the union was arranged by Melisende in an attempt to link the ruling houses of all the crusader states. Ioveta, who had grown up in a convent, took vows as a nun c. 1134.^[45] According to William's chronicle, Melisende judged that Ioveta was of too high birth to be a mere nun and decided that she should be made an abbess instead.^[38] Barber finds it difficult to tell how much Melisende was motivated by affection in her relationships with her sisters, particularly noting that "there is no way of knowing" whether Ioveta wished to live a monastic life or if Melisende induced her to negate the political threat which Ioveta may have represented as the sister born during their father's kingship.^[45]

Folda proposes that in the early 1130s Melisende contributed to the renovation of the Convent of Saint Anne, where her sister Ioveta lived.^[47] The only narrative description of Melisende's patronage, however, is that of the construction of a convent in Bethany,^[48] which was close enough to Jerusalem for the queen to maintain contact.^[49] In February 1138 she and Fulk persuaded the patriarch and the canons of the Holy Sepulchre to cede the church at Bethany and its dependent villages so that a new religious community could be built there. The Convent of Saint Lazarus, as it came to be known, was in construction for six years. Melisende so generously endowed the convent with estates, golden and silver sacred vessels with precious stones, silks, and ecclesiastical robes that she made it richer than any other monastery or church in the kingdom.^[50] Initially Melisende installed an elderly abbess. When the abbess died, Ioveta succeeded as Melisende intended, and Melisende sent further gifts, namely books, ornaments, and chalices.^[42] In the construction and endowment of Bethany's convent Hamilton sees a "spectacular" example of Melisende's power of patronage.^[38]

In 1138 the king and queen started associating their elder son, Baldwin, in their acts.^[38] Fulk continuously worked to secure the borders of the kingdom against the Fatimids of Egypt^[51] and the Turkish atabeg of Mosul, Zengi.^[52] Melisende, meanwhile, maintained a firm control over the Church.^[53] From the late 1130s she oversaw a further expansion of religious institutions, including the endowment of the Temple of the Lord with extensive land in Samaria,^[53] several grants of land to the Holy Sepulchre,^[54] and grants to the Abbey of Saint Mary of the Valley of Jehosaphat, the Order of the Hospital, the leper hospital of Saint Lazarus, and the Premonstratensians of the Church of Saint Samuel at Mountjoy.^[55] Barber considers her responsible for the promotion of the Temple's prior, Geoffrey, to abbot in 1137.^[53]

Melisende consistently supported the Syriac Church and ensured that they recovered the property which they had lost upon the Frankish conquest.^[56][54] She worked to improve relations with the Armenian Church as well; its leader, the catholicos, attended a synod of the Latin Church in Jerusalem in 1140. The Greek Orthodox Monstery of Saint Sabas also received an endowment from Melisende.^[54] Her lavish gifts became legendary and earned her a reputation as a devoutly religious woman, but Mayer argues that she was primarily a shrewd politician and that through her donations she was buying the Church's political support.^[57]

Fulk hunting with Melisende and being thrown from his horse (left), Melisende mourning Fulk (center), and Melisende's coronation with Baldwin III (right)

In late 1143 the court was at Acre, enjoying a period of peace. On 7 November Melisende expressed a wish to have a picnic. While they were riding in the countryside, Fulk galloped off in pursuit of a hare. His horse stumbled and threw him off, and the heavy saddle struck him on the head. He was carried unconscious to Acre, where he died on 10 November.^[58] Melisende made a public demonstration of grief and then proceeded to take full charge of the government.^[59] There was no royal election because the joint reign initiated in 1131 continued with Melisende and her son, Baldwin III.^[60]

Melisende, who had been consecrated, anointed, and crowned in 1131, underwent a second coronation on Christmas 1143, this time together with Baldwin III, who was also consecrated and anointed on this occasion.^[61] The rites were performed by the patriarch, William of Messines.^[62] All power was in Melisende's hands;^[59] Baldwin was 13 at the time and Melisende became his guardian.^[61] The queen is commonly said to have acted as her son's regent, but neither she nor the chronicler William of Tyre saw her rule as a regency. Citing William's statement that royal power came to Melisende through hereditary right, Hamilton concludes that she was "not a regent but the queen regnant".^[59] Baldwin started issuing charters in 1144 at the latest, when he issued one without reference to Melisende; henceforth all were issued jointly by the mother and son, leading Mayer to believe that Melisende forbade that any charters be issued in her son's name only.^[63]

Melisende's first action, as had been her husband's or of any contemporary ruler, was to appoint supporters to the kingdom's offices.^[64] As a woman, Melisende could not command the army.^[59] She appointed her first cousin Manasses of Hierges, who had recently arrived in the kingdom, to conduct military affairs in her name as constable.^[64] By choosing Manasses rather than one of her subjects, Melisende ensured the preservation of the royal authority.^[59] Besides Manasses, the queen's inner circle comprised the lord of Nablus, Philip of Milly; the prince of Galilee, Elinand of Tiberias; and the viscount, Rohard the Elder.^[64] Philip's family had been undermined early in Fulk's reign, and Barber believes that this may explain Philip's loyalty to Melisende. Elinand commanded more knights than any other lord in the kingdom. Rohard had incurred the queen's wrath in the early 1130s by supporting her husband's attempt to exclude her, but he was a key figure in the city of Jerusalem and apparently both were content to make peace. Through the support of Philip, Elinand, and Rohard, Melisende controlled Jerusalem and the regions of Samaria and Galilee, all of which contained parts of the royal domain.^[53]

After Melisende and Baldwin III were crowned, work started on enlarging the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.^[65] Folda argues that the project saw a copious support from Queen Melisende and her cooperation with Patriarch Fulcher.^[66] The historian Nurith Kenaan-Kedar credits the Armenian characteristics of the Cathedral of Saint James in Jerusalem to Melisende's support and influence.^[67]

Melisende received a letter of encouragement from the famed monk Bernard of Clairvaux in 1144 or 1145, but in his next letter to the queen Bernard mentioned hearing "certain evil reports" of her.^[68] Barber suggests that the "evil reports" might be the claim of an anonymous Premonstratensian monk from Mountjoy, who wrote that in 1148 Melisende had poisoned Count Alfonso Jordan of Toulouse and arranged for the capture of his son Bertrand by the Muslims. The monk wrote that the queen did this to ensure that Alfonso Jordan, a relative of the counts of Tripoli, would not threaten the possession of Tripoli by her brother-in-law Raymond and sister Hodierna.^[69] Melisende was on good terms with the Premonstratensians, however, and Barber atttributes the monk's hostility to the "endemic misogyny of the monastic world".^[68]

In filling the offices with trusted men Melisende had her eye on the chancery too.^[70] She had no desire to retain Elias,^[70] who had been her husband's confidant,^[71] so she arranged for him to become bishop of Tiberias, a promotion he could not have refused.^[70] In 1145 Melisende appointed Ralph, another newcomer, to succeed Elias as chancellor.^[53] In January 1146 the archbishop of Tyre, Fulcher of Angoulême, was elected to the patriarchate, succeeding William of Messines, who had died in September 1145.^[72] Melisende insisted that Ralph be appointed to the vacated see of Tyre. Barber holds that Fulcher must have risen to the patriarchate with Melisende's support, yet he led the opposition to her choice of Ralph.^[56] The conflict over the see of Tyre marked the only time Melisende was at odds with the Church.^[57]

Immediately after his coronation Baldwin III sought to assert himself in warfare, the one field in which he had advantage over his mother, and in 1144 he quelled a revolt at Wadi Musa.^[70] The queen and the constable faced their first crisis already in November, when Zengi of Mosul besieged Edessa.^[73] The Edessenes appealed to the young king for help, but it was Melisende who made the decisions.^[70] She called a council, and it was decided that Manasses, Philip, and Elinand should lead a relief force.^[74] Mayer believes that the young king was not sent because Melisende resented his success at Wadi Musa;^[70] he argues that the queen did not wish to see her son gain a reputation as a military leader lest it led to him becoming a threat to her political leadership.^[75] Barber suggests that Melisende did not send Baldwin because she thought that the gravity of the situation required experienced adults. In any case, the army did not reach Edessa in time:^[74] the city fell to the Turks, who spared its Armenian and Greek population, but "killed the Franks wherever they could" according to the chronicler Michael the Syrian.^[73] Immediately upon receiving the news Melisende contacted Antioch about sending an embassy to break the news to the pope and to request a new crusade.^[76] Baldwin III came of age on his fifteenth birthday in early 1145,^[61] but the occasion was not publicly celebrated.^[59]

Zengi was assassinated in September 1146.^[77] Count Joscelin II of Edessa attempted to retake his former city, and King Baldwin invaded the Hauran, but both were defeated by Zengi's son Nur al-Din.^[78] Mayer is certain that Melisende blamed Baldwin for the failure to take the Hauran, saying that it may explain how Melisende was able to reduce Baldwin's position by associating her younger son, Amalric, in a subsequent charter. The inclusion of Amalric was, in Mayer's words, "an application of the principle divide et impera", and served to increase Melisende's power at Baldwin's expense.^[79]

The news of the fall of Edessa shocked Europe,^[80] and Pope Eugene III began calling for a crusade.^[81] Kings Louis VII of France and Conrad III of Germany travelled to the Levant with their relatives, vassals, and troops, accompanied by papal legates.^[82] The crusaders were met near Acre on 24 June 1148^[83] by a Jerusalem contingent consisting of Queen Melisende, King Baldwin, Patriarch Fulcher, the archbishops and the bishops, the masters of the Knights Hospitaller and Templar, and the leading noblemen; it was the most impressive gathering of dignitaries ever held in the Latin East.^[82] A decision to attack Damascus had already been reached in April by Baldwin, Conrad, and Fulcher in a much smaller meeting, which Melisende apparently did not attend.^[83] Damascus was a great Muslim-held city,^[84] and its capture would have served Jerusalem better than capturing distant Edessa.^[85] The patriarch usually took Melisende's side over Baldwin's and would have advocated her opinion, but right at this time the two were at odds over the appointment of her chancellor, Ralph, to the see of Tyre.^[83] Mayer surmises, while admitting that it cannot be known for certain, that Melisende must have been opposed to the decision to attack Damascus because it had so far been a valuable ally against Nur al-Din and because the conquest of such a great city would have earned Baldwin enough prestige to challenge her supremacy.^[86]

During the ensuing siege of Damascus the crusaders were falsely advised by certain persons who had been bribed to betray them,^[85] leading to a swift and humiliating defeat.^[82] Mayer considered the possibility that Melisende first supported the expedition only to then engineer its failure in a bid to destroy Baldwin's military and political reputation, noting that it would have been a politically reckless game. The outcome was a major setback for Baldwin, but he was not completely crushed.^[86] In 1149, after the death of Prince Raymond in another disastrous defeat of the Christians by Nur al-Din, Baldwin hastened to assume responsibility for Antioch.^[87] Melisende used her son's failure at Damascus, and possibly his journey to Antioch, to further reduce his position: from 1149 she no longer issued charters jointly with him,^[87] but merely allowed him to consent.^[88]

The dispute with the Church over the appointment of her chancellor, Ralph, to the see of Tyre reached its peak by 1149 and became a serious issue for Melisende as rift grew between her and Baldwin.^[57] In order to retain the Church as an ally she either dismissed Ralph from the chancery or forced him to resign.^[89] She could not appoint a new chancellor without her co-ruler's consent, however, and the chancery thus collapsed.^[90] Mother and son henceforth employed separate scribes, which avoided an open break in their co-reign, but marked an unprecedented division of royal power.^[91]

The death of her trusted and most important vassal Elinand, prince of Galilee, c. 1149 was a setback for Melisende.^[91] After the capture of the count of Edessa in 1150, Baldwin summoned the lords to march with him to Antioch, but those loyal to Melisende refused.^[92] This was, in Mayer's mind, the queen's attempt to prevent Baldwin from making any military success, and specifically from fulfilling the traditional role of the kings of Jerusalem in protecting the northern crusader states.^[93] Baldwin went anyway with the small force he could muster.^[94]

Mayer considers it clear from the surviving charters that from 1150 Melisende was preparing for a showdown with Baldwin: she set up her own administrative machinery and gathered the lords loyal to her.^[95] In 1150 she procured for her cousin and constable, Manasses, the hand of Helvis of Ramla, widow of her supporter Barisan of Ibelin. This angered Barisan's sons, Hugh, Baldwin, and Balian, because it led to them losing land in Ramla.^[64] Baldwin, for his part, held Manasses responsible for his estrangement from his mother.^[96] Melisende further consolidated her position against Baldwin in 1151 when she made her younger son, Amalric, count of Jaffa.^[97] He became her most important partisan besides the Church.^[98]

Baldwin began to move in early 1152. He demanded that the patriarch crown him on Easter without crowning Melisende, which would signify that Baldwin would from then on be the sole ruler.^[99] Patriarch Fulcher refused,^[99] for the Church supported Melisende.^[100] On Easter Monday Baldwin staged a solemn procession through Jerusalem, the seat of Melisende's power, wearing a laurel wreath instead of a crown.^[100][96] He then summoned the High Court and requested a division of the kingdom between him and his mother.^[96] For Hamilton, this request was "criminally irresponsible" because the kingdom was too small to survive a division;^[96] yet Mayer argues that Melisende had de facto divided the kingdom over the previous two years.^[101] At the meeting Melisende argued that the entire kingdom belonged to her by hereditary right, implying that Baldwin was the one usurping her right, but agreed to the division.^[101] The queen retained the regions of Judaea and Samaria while Baldwin held Acre and Tyre.^[96][101]

The division of the kingdom was short-lived.^[96][101] Baldwin declared that the land he had been allocated was insufficient to financially support him as king. Realizing her son's intentions, Melisende moved from the unfortified town of Nablus to Jerusalem. Baldwin defeated Manasses at Mirabel and exiled him, then swiftly occupied Nablus, and moved with his force onto Jerusalem. Some of the lords in Melisende's portion deserted her; those who remained loyal until the end included her son Amalric, Philip of Milly, and Rohard the Elder. Upon hearing of her elder son's advance, Melisende withdrew with her household and followers to the citadel in the Tower of David. Patriarch Fulcher at this point declared the Church's full support for the queen. He marched out with his clergy to admonish the king, only to return enraged after Baldwin rebuffed him.^[102] The king set up camp outside the city, after which the citizens opened the gates to him. He then proceeded to bombard the Tower with siege engines, but could not make progress because the besieged defended themselves valiantly.^[103]

Despite being strongly fortified and well stocked, the Tower could not resist indefinitely, and so Melisende stood no chance of winning.^[103][96] After several days a settlement was negotiated, possibly by churchmen.^[96] Melisende might have been expected to retire to the convent of Bethany, but Hamilton posits that she held out for better terms, which saw her gain Nablus and adjacent lands for life along with her son's promise not to disturb her.^[104] Nablus would provide a substantial income but, being unfortified, could not be turned into a centre of military power.^[103] In these terms Hamilton sees evidence that, although she lost the war, Melisende retained powerful allies.^[104] Mayer argues that Melisende agreed to abstain from politics, to rule Nablus not as queen but as any city lord would, and to act only with the king's consent.^[103] The eight-year-long struggle between mother and son was thus over by 20 April 1152^[103]–as was Melisende's sixteen-year-long authority.^[104]

Melisende's initiative did not cease in her retirement.^[104] Baldwin summoned a general assembly of the crusader states at Tripoli in mid-1152 with the aim of inducing his widowed cousin Constance, princess of Antioch, to remarry and so relieve him of the responsibility for the principality.^[104][105] The attendees included the princess and her vassals and clergy as well as the count and countess of Tripoli. Though she was apparently neither summoned nor invited, Melisende also participated; she just came.^[105] Ostensibly she was there to help settle the marital problems of her sister Countess Hodierna and brother-in-law Count Raymond of Tripoli. Hamilton considers this a clever move because she could not be prevented from paying a visit to her sister, and once in Tripoli had to be invited to discuss her niece's marriage.^[104] Neither goal was achieved.^[105] The sisters set out for Jerusalem, and were escorted for a while by Hodierna's husband. As he was returning to Tripoli, he was killed by Assassins.^[106] The sisters returned to Tripoli for the funeral, after which Baldwin escorted Melisende home.^[107] Hodierna assumed rule over Tripoli as regent for her young son, Raymond III. Hamilton believes that from then on Baldwin's control over Antioch and Tripoli, ruled by Melisende's niece and sister respectively, depended on him treating his mother with respect.^[108]

Mayer presumes that in the aftermath of their conflict Melisende and Baldwin hated each other intensely, yet took care to appear as a happy family.^[109] The mother made certain to mention her son's consent in all her acts, and the son honored her in return and allowed her to advise him. By sparing her public humiliation, Baldwin avoided goading her into challenging him.^[110] In 1153 he conquered Ascalon, proving himself as a military leader, and made peace with Melisende.^[108] He distributed the lands around Ascalon following her advice.^[98] From 1154 Melisende was associated in her son's public acts and he confirmed the grants she had made during their estrangement.^[108] Most of these were merely a matter of courtesy according to Mayer, but he did on occasion genuinely seek her counsel.^[110] From 1156 the queen regained a measure of political infuence, taking part in Baldwin's negotiation of a treaty with the Republic of Pisa in November.^[111] In 1157 she took a military initiative while the king was in Antioch:^[108] it is thanks to her insistence that the cave-fortress of el-Hablis, significant for controlling the territory of Gilead beyond the River Jordan, was attacked and recovered from the Muslims.^[108][111]

Melisende maintained her interest in the matters of religion. Barber believes that she continued her patronage of the Church as before her retirement.^[112] In 1157 Amalric married Agnes, daughter of the dispossessed Count Joscelin II of Edessa. Patriarch Fulcher protested that Amalric and Agnes were related within the prohibited degrees, but despite her piety Melisende made no objection.^[113] The same year her stepdaughter Countess Sibylla of Flanders, Fulk's daughter from his first marriage, arrived in Jerusalem on a pilgrimage and entered the convent of Bethany.^[42] Fulcher died on 20 November, and though clergy assembled to elect his successor, Melisende intervened with Sibylla and Hodierna to secure the appointment of Amalric of Nesle as the next patriarch.^[112] The following year Baldwin married too; his wife, Theodora Komnene, became the new queen. Hamilton speculates that Melisende's forceful character made her sons reluctant to allow their wives to take part in state affairs.^[114] In 1160 Queen Melisende joined her sister Hodierna in commissioning luxurious jewelry, gold tiaras, and silver utensils for the dowry of Hodierna's daughter, Melisende of Tripoli; this example of Melisende's art patronage demonstrates, in Folda's opinion, the queen's continued activity and the Franks' resolve to impress her niece's betrothed, Emperor Manuel I Komnenos.^[115]

Queen Melisende's last public act was to assent with King Baldwin to Count Amalric's donation to the Holy Sepulchre on 30 November 1160. In 1161 she fell ill, with her memory impaired; she may have had a stroke.^[112][55] Hodierna and Ioveta nursed her for several months,^[55] permitting few people to see her.^[112] In the last weeks of her life Baldwin moved into Nablus, acquiring the land Philip of Milly held there. This was in breech of his agreement with his mother, but she was by then unaware of the outside world.^[116][117] She died on 11 September 1161.^[116] Barber estimates that she was probably in her early fifties.^[112] William of Tyre records that Baldwin was inconsolable; Mayer calls this "a fine public show of grief".^[116] Melisende was buried, like her mother, in the Abbey of Saint Mary of the Valley of Jehosaphat, which had always been dear to her.^[103] Folda considers her tomb to have been her last major commission in Jerusalem and "more magnificent than any king of Jerusalem ever received".^[118] In her last will and testament she left property to, among others, the Orthodox Monastery of Saint Sabas.^[55] Baldwin barely outlived her, dying on 10 February 1163.^[117]

The chief source of information about Queen Melisende's life is Archbishop William of Tyre. He was only born in 1130, however, and from the death of Fulcher of Chartres in 1127 there was no resident chronicler in the crusader states.^[119] William was studying in Europe from 1145 to 1165, and only started writing his History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea in 1167.^[120][4] The late reign of Baldwin II and the reigns of Fulk and Melisende are therefore poorly documented and, as noted by Barber, "subject of much speculative argument among historians".^[121]

When recounting the conflict between Melisende and her son Baldwin III, William takes the queen's side. Mayer's explanation is that William was the court historian to King Amalric, the son who had sided with the queen and succeeded Baldwin III, and that William was influenced by Melisende's lavish grants to the Church.^[122] William wrote:

She was a very wise woman, fully experienced in almost all spheres of state business, who had completely triumphed over the handicap of her sex so that she could take charge of important affairs.^[123]

Barber notes that while William's description of Melisende as "wise and judicious beyond what is normal for a woman" may sound patronizing to a modern reader, it is particularly significant because the archbishop did not normally approve of the involvement of women in public affairs.^[62]

Hamilton agrees with William's judgement that, "striving to emulate the glory of the best princes... she ruled the kingdom with such ability that she was rightly considered to have equalled her predecessors in that regard". For Hamilton, Melisende was "a truly remarkable woman" because for decades she exercised power in a kingdom where no woman had previously had a public role.^[123] Barber observes that William's opinion was not universally shared^[62] and that two of the greatest disasters suffered by the Franks in the Levant took place during her reign, namely the fall of Edessa in 1144 and the failure to conquer Damascus in 1148, though he concedes that the extent of Melisende's responsibility cannot be determined. Barber contrasts this poor record with Baldwin III's conquest of Ascalon the year after she was deposed.^[68] Hamilton concludes that Melisende was both cultured and devout,^[55] while Folda calls her the greatest art patron in the 12th-century Kingdom of Jerusalem.^[124]

Mayer criticizes Melisende for not voluntarily abdicating in favor of Baldwin III, declaring that "her thirst for power was greater than her wisdom".^[122] He insists that, "in spite of all the praise William of Tyre heaps on Melisende's abilities", her son was better suited to rule.^[99] Hamilton does not see why she should have felt the need to resign power to her "inexperienced" son, arguing that she was not a regent but the recognized co-ruler who governed well and enjoyed broad support.^[96] Mayer concludes that Melisende was "one of the most energetic among mediaeval queens".^[125]

• Barber, Malcolm (2012). The Crusader States. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0300189315.
• Folda, Jaroslav (2012). "Melisende of Jerusalem: Queen and Patron". In Martin, Therese (ed.). Reassessing the Roles of Women as 'Makers' of Medieval Art and Architecture. Vol. 1. Brill. ISBN 9004228322.
• Hamilton, Bernard (1978). "Women in the Crusader States: The Queens of Jerusalem" (PDF). In Derek Baker (ed.). Medieval Women. Ecclesiastical History Society.
• Mayer, Hans E. (1972). "Studies in the History of Queen Melisende of Jerusalem". Dumbarton Oaks Papers. Dumbarton Oaks.
• Mayer, Hans Eberhard (1985). "The Succession to Baldwin II of Jerusalem: English Impact on the East". Dumbarton Oak Papers. Dumbarton Oaks.
• Mayer, Hans Eberhard (1989). "Angevins versus Normans: The New Men of King Fulk of Jerusalem". Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society. 133 (1). University of Pennsylvania Press: 1–25.
• Runciman, Steven (1952). A History of the Crusades: The Kingdom of Jerusalem and the Frankish East, 1100-1187. Vol. 2. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0241298768.

• Letters from and to Queen Melisende
• Melisende, Queen of Melisende on the BBC's In Our Time