Valencian, Catalan
Valencià, Català
Native to	Spain, France, Italy, Andorra.
Region	In Spain: As Valencian: Valencian Community and Carche, Murcia. As Catalan: Balearic Islands, Catalonia, and La Franja, Aragon. In France: Northern Catalonia. In Italy: Alghero. In Andorra.
Native speakers	9.2 million
Language family	Indo-European Italic Romance Italo-Western Western Gallo-Iberian Gallo-Romance Ibero-Romance Valencian, Catalan
Official status
Official language in	In Spain: As Valencian: Valencian Community. As Catalan: Balearic Islands and Catalonia. In Italy: Alghero. In Andorra.
Regulated by	Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua Institut d'Estudis Catalans
Language codes
ISO 639-1	ca
ISO 639-2	cat
ISO 639-3	Either: cat – Catalan cat – Valencian

Valencian (Template:Lang-vl Template:IPA-ca) is the historical, traditional, and official name of Catalan language used in the Valencian Community to refer to the region's own language ^[1][2].

Furthermore, besides Valencian been spoken in the Land of Valencia, it is also spoken by a reduced number of people in Carche, a sparsely populated rural area in the Region de Murcia adjoining the Valencian Community, nevertheless Valencian does not have any official recognition in this area.

Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua is the Valencian language institution (language regulator) whose primary function is to determine and elaborate the official standard for the Valencian language as used in Valencia and foster its use. According to the "Law of Use and Education of Valencian" approved in 1982, Valencian is the Valencian Community's own language, and its citizens have the right to know it and to use it.

There is controversy whether Valencian is the language known elsewhere as Catalan (català) or if it is to be considered a different and distinctive language.^[3][4]. Nevertheless, Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua (AVL) as Institut d'Estudis Catalans (IEC) state that Valencian and Catalan are the same language. According to AVL foundational law, the linguistic regulations for Valencian must follow current Valencian genuine linguistic reality, respect Valencian lexicographic and literary tradition and start from the consolidated regulations based upon the Normes de Castelló a set of orthographic rules for Catalan and Valencian signed in 1932.

A study published by the Generalitat Valenciana (Servei d’Investigació i Estudis Sociolingüístics) in 2005, revealed that most Valencians do not usually speak in Valencian. According to the study, which sampled more than 6,600 people in the provinces of Castellon, Valencia, and Alicante, 39.5% of residents use the Valencian language at home, while 33% speak Valencian with their friends and just 18.8% speak Valencian in large department stores.

In addition, according to a survey in 2008, there is a downward trend of everyday Valencian users. Currently, 52.5% of the Valencian population can speak Valencian. The lowest numbers are at the major cities of Valencia and Alicante, where the percentage of everyday speakers are in the single digits. All in all, in the 1993-2006 period, the number of speakers is 10 points down.^[5] One of the factors cited is the population increase based in citizens from other countries, who tend to favour using Spanish over local languages; accordingly, the number of residents who claim no understanding of Valencian had a sharp increase.

Despite this, Valencian is still the common language in many areas of the Land of Valencia, being noticeable slightly more than half of the Valencian population are able to speak it, and nearly 40% of the total Valencian population speak Valencian at home.

Valencian is not spoken all over the Valencian Community. Roughly 25% of its territory, equivalent to 10% of the population (its inland part and areas in the extreme south as well) is traditionally Spanish-speaking only, whereas Valencian is spoken to varying degrees elsewhere.

Valencian and Catalan are not recognised languages of the European Union (23 Official and 26 Minority languages) nor are they official languages in other parts of Spain.

There is consensus amongst linguists that Valencian is not a separate language system from what is elsewhere called the Catalan language.^[6]

Specifically, Valencian is the most distinctive and established Western variety, with a sound written tradition which started as early as the 15th century. It can be then distinguished from the other major standard, the "Catalan of Barcelona" or Central Catalan group of varieties.

Many Valencians, as well as the Valencian political parties, think that early Valencian literature preceded Catalan literature; they consider Catalan to be a product of early Valencian and a different language.^[7] They use Valencian (especially llengua valenciana, "Valencian language") to designate it as a separate language.

An important subgroup of those linguists, mostly from the local official language academy (Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua), has recently proposed to also use this name to refer to the language as a whole, including the entire Catalan-speaking area, stating a concept of two names for one language (synonym). This linguistic and political concept is not unique. As stated in the Statute of Autonomy of the Valencian Community, there is another official language, Spanish, which is also used under another name, Castilian (see names given to the Spanish language for further information).

Valencian and its status regarding Catalan became controversial within Spain (particularly in Valencia) in the 1970s and early 1980s. This query has both cultural and political aspects, including nationalism, rural versus urban, Valencia's literary history, dialect versus standard language, spelling reform, and orthography.

All universities teaching Romance languages, and virtually all linguists, consider Valencian and Catalan linguistic variants of the same language (as is the case with Canadian French and Metropolitan French, as well as Romanian's relationship with Moldovan).

Valencian would serve as an ausbau language (to use linguistics parlance) within the wider Catalan domain, in that its rules are established by an autonomous language academy (the Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua) and given the fact that it shows a slightly different standard.^[8]

Roughly speaking, there is a continuous set of dialects covering the various regional forms of Catalan/Valencian, with no break at the border between Catalonia and the Valencian Community (i.e. villages contiguous to both sides of the border speak in exactly the same way), and the various forms of Catalan/Valencian are mutually intelligible. Nevertheless, real comprehensive linguistic competence may be limited between Valencian speakers and speakers of the most divergent Eastern dialects (such as those of Alghero or the Balearics)^{[citation needed]}.

Academics almost universally believe that Valencian has its origin in the Catalan, that was brought to the territories that became the Kingdom of Valencia during the Reconquesta (in Spanish, Reconquista). While Castile moved south conquering New Castile and Andalusia, Aragonese and Catalan settlers from the Crown of Aragon conquered and populated Valencia. Generally speaking it has been assumed that most of these settlers in what nowadays are Valencian-speaking areas came from South-Western Catalonia, and that would explain that the current Catalan-proper dialect spoken in that area shares fundamental traits with Valencian itself (the Aragonese settled the inland part of the territory, carrying with them the Aragonese and Castilian languages).

See also Churro dialects

The Aragonese professor Antonio Ubieto Arteta in his book Origenes del Reino de Valencia, which is based on the numbers from El llibre dels repartiments (a book by James I the Conqueror which serves as the official account of the Reconquesta) challenged this view, claiming that the percentage of immigration from Catalonia is only 5% of the total immigration, during the conquest and the subsequent 14th and 15th centuries. The population of Valencia remained 70% Mozarabic and Moorish, 11% originating from the rest of Castile, 10% from the Crown of Aragon, and 7% from foreign countries.

His claims have not been supported by anyone else in the mainstream academic world. On the contrary, further modern research such as by Valencian Medieval History professor Enric Guinot has even raised the immigrating population to more than 90% in certain areas. This divergence is based on a difference of methodology. While Ubieta focuses on the origins of the nobles who owned new lands, Guinot reads the towns' tax list in order to find the origin of the surnames of the new neighbors. In this way, Guinot claims an 80% new-Catalan population in Puçol and a 12% one in Segorbe (nowadays, Valencian is spoken in Puçol, whereas Spanish is used in Segorbe).

That notwithstanding, there are examples of language change without involving a large scale population movement, notably in South America (where indigenous languages were replaced by Spanish with little inward migration) as well as Ireland, Wales, and Scotland (where indigenous languages were similarly replaced by English within the space of few generations).

The issue of Valencian filiation is the product of hundreds of years of political evolution, throughout which the former Kingdom of Valencia and the former Principality of Catalonia developed in quite different ways. Individual Valencians have both embraced and rejected a Catalan background, and, accordingly, both regions have often been in conflict. Given this historic background, it is perhaps not surprising that a linguistic turf war erupted over the status of the dialect spoken in Valencia. The different background and evolution of local elites in Valencia and Barcelona fueled a sense of city rivalry, particularly present in the former. The absence of this perceived rivalry elsewhere in other Catalan speaking areas would explain that the speakers of more divergent dialects like Balearic Catalan or Algherese have not challenged their Catalan filiation (or done so to a much lesser degree, in the Balearic case).

The current official definition, according to the Spanish and Valencian governments, is somewhat unclear. The Valencian Statute of Autonomy^[9] refers to the Valencian language as valencià (Valencian) and could be interpreted as saying that Valencian is a language in its own right. The Academia Valenciana de la Llengua (AVL) —an official and state-bound entity created to regulate Valencian orthography— does state that Catalan and Valencian are the same language, and the standard taught by public educative institutions such as schools or universities does follow the AVL rules. Moreover, language certificates issued by public entities of all three Autonomous Communities (Valencian Community, Catalonia, and the Balearic Islands) are mutually endorsed.

In May 2006, the Spanish Supreme Court revoked the instruction ordered by the Valencian Education Department in 1995, which had established that validation of Catalan language qualifications issued by either the Catalan or Balearic autonomous governments no longer applied in the Valencian Community.^[10]

All in all, the AVL does set a separate written official standard for Valencian, and this is accepted as valid by the academic world since the two written standards are completely mutually inteligible and the AVL works together with the Institut d'Estudis Catalans, which sets the orthographic standard for the rest of the language.^{[citation needed]}

In other hand, the Real Acadèmia de Cultura Valenciana, a public foundation adhered to the "Instituto de España" challenges the pancatalanic thesis. In this sense, its document Criteris sobre l’identitat de l'idioma valencià^[11] , dated March 12, 1998 states that It is incorrect, therefore, strictly speaking to talk about its dialectal filiation to one of the minoritarian languages that arrived to the XIII century Valencia. The Real Acadèmia de Cultura Valenciana rejects that Valencian is the same language as catalan, also rejects valencian to be a derivation of the catalan, but instead, supports that traditional valencian is a derivation from the pig latin spoken in the romanized Valencian territory. At the same time, the Academy denounces that new grammar rules and dictionaries drafted in the later years have departed from the traditional valencian.

Also in this sense, there is a series of civil society private associations, specially within the Valencia province, from which the most influential is Lo Rat Penat. These associations campaign for Valencian as a separate language with a different written norm and have supported attempts by local mainly right-wing politicians^{[citation needed]} to split Valencian and Catalan norms apart. Their theories have not been supported in academic circles outside their own.^{[citation needed]}

On August 10, 2007, in reply to a blaverist demand, a different SIL code for val as different from cat was rejected^[12] by the International Organization for Standardization (ISO), with the reasoning that "language identifiers are not language abbreviations". However, for those aiming to make clear the variant used a proper subtag exists, ca-valencia, which was refused as well by the plaintiffs. The ISO had already accepted from prior request adding "valencian" as an alternative name to the "cat" code.^[12][13] The Internet Assigned Numbers Authority (IANA) organization also has both "catalan" and "valencian" as names for its "ca" language tag.^[14]

See also Language secessionism

There is a current among some Valencians known as blaverism which claims that Valencian is an independent language from Catalan. These theories are usually supported by politicians rather than linguists. They are mostly based on disputing the origin of the language in Valencia.

One of the most widespread theories associated to this view maintains that Valencian primarily evolved from Mozarabic, the Romance language spoken by local inhabitants after the Muslim conquest of what subsequently became Al-Andalus. Later on, this language would have acquired words from either Catalan (which would explain, in the eyes of supporters of this alternative theory, the undeniable resemblance to Catalan), Occitan, Aragonese or Castilian until the present day. This theory does not seem to be supported by the slight evidence we have of Mozarabic, such as some toponyms. Also, it is handicapped by the fact that only a handful of texts in Mozarabic -a heavily fragmented language itself, with a very scant written tradition- have remained to date, which makes virtually impossible the task of confronting this language with the Romance languages which came next.

An alternative theory proposes that Valencian, alongside Catalan, originated directly from Old Occitan. This would have arrived in Valencia with the court of the conqueror King James I of Aragon, since he was born in Montpellier (Occitania) and this was also the language in vogue among troubadours. In this regard, it must be noted that at the time of the Reconquest of Valencia, Catalan and Occitan, which lacked a clearly standardised version as all languages by the middle age, were often assimilated as a single language (or the same family of dialects), under the common name of Lemosin or Provençal which shared a single poetic tradition, even though, when spoken, they were different; Catalan troubadours knew they weren't writing the same as they spoke; and there are texts previous to James I, such as the Homilies d'Organyà, which are clearly Catalan as opposed to Occitan.

Supporters of these theories criticise the current Valencian standard promulgated by the Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua because such supporters regard the Valencian Standard as some kind of hybrid with a theoretically distinct Catalan.

The Valencian sociolinguist Rafael Ninyoles i Monllor coined the term linguistic conflict by the end of the 60's for referring to certain diglossic situations, such as the Valencian one.^{[citation needed]} In his late works, he described the process of the ongoing substitution of Valencian by Castilian by social elites and the resulting loss of prestige of the vernacular language.^{[citation needed]}

The status of Valencian was a continuous political irritant throughout the Spanish transition to democracy of the 70's and 80's, and continues to be an emotive issue to this day. Generally, though not exclusively, it has been the political right in Valencia, particularly the blaverist movement, that has claimed that Valencian is a separate language. Such politicians often argue that Catalans, especially Catalan nationalists, are attempting to eliminate Valencia's own identity and force it into a political union of all Catalan speaking areas (sometimes defined as pancatalanism).

Many Catalan politicians, in turn, argue that the right wing is using this issue to portray Catalans as linguistic imperialists, in order to garner support in the rest of Spain for the centralist position of the Spanish right wing. They often refer to the fact that many of the most ardent defenders of Valencian's linguistic individuality often are not able to speak the language themselves.

The latest political controversy regarding Valencian occurred on the occasion of the approval of the European Constitution in 2004. The Spanish government supplied the EU with translations of the text into Basque, Catalan, Galician, and Valencian, but the Catalan and Valencian versions were identical. While professing the unity of the Catalan language, the Spanish government claimed to be constitutionally bound to produce distinct Catalan and Valencian versions because the Statute of the Autonomous Community of Valencia calls the regional language "Valencian", while those of Catalonia and the Balearic Islands call the regional language "Catalan" (even though in the Balearic Islands, the language is also often called "mallorquí", "menorquí", "eivissenc", or "formenterer" depending on the island — Majorca, Minorca, Ibiza, or Formentera, something that, nonetheless, does not imply major linguistic differences.)

Politically, it is feared that placing Valencian as a dialect of Catalan will put Valencia in a vulnerable position in front of Catalonia.^[7]

Note that this is a (partial) list of features of the main forms of Valencian as a group of dialectal varieties that differ from those of other Catalan dialects, particularly from the Central variety of the language. For more general information on the features of the Valencian language, see Catalan language. Note also that there is a great deal of variety within the Valencian Community, and by no means do the features below apply to every local version.

Morphology

• The present first person singular of verbs differs from Central Catalan, e.g. '-ar' verb 'parlar' gives 'parle' as opposed to 'parlo', '-re' verb 'batre' gives 'bat' as opposed to 'bato', '-er' verb 'témer' give 'tem' as opposed to 'temo', '-ir' verb 'sentir' gives 'sent' or 'senc' as opposed to 'sento' (all those forms without final -o are more akin to mediaeval Catalan and contemporary Balearic Catalan), '-ir' 'patir' gives 'patesc' or 'patisc' as opposed to 'pateixo".
• Present subjunctive is more akin to mediaeval Catalan and Spanish; '-ar' verbs end 'e', '-re', '-er' and '-ir' verbs end in 'a' (in contemporary Central Catalan present subjunctive ends in 'i').
• An exclusive feature of Valencian is the subjunctive imperfect morpheme /ra/: que ell vinguera (that he might come).
• Valencian has -i- as theme vowel for inchoative verbs of the 3rd conjugation este servix (this one serves) (like North-Western Catalan), although, again, this cannot be generalized since there are Valencian sub-dialects which pronounce an -ei- (aquest serveix)
• In Valencian the Simple Past tense (cantà he sang) is more frequently used in speech than in Central Catalan, where Perifrastic Past (va cantar) is prevailing and the Simple Past mostly appears in written language. The same, however, may be said of the Balearic dialects.^[15]

Phonology

• A system of 7 stressed vowels /a/ /e/ /ɛ/ /i/ /o/ /ɔ/ u/, reduced to 5 in unstressed position (/e/ /ɛ/ > [e], /o/ /ɔ/ > [o]) (a feature shared with North-Western Catalan and Ribagorçan), though some very small sub-dialects reduce unstressed /o/, /u/ and /ɔ/ into [u], like most Eastern Catalan varieties.
• Amb (with) is pronounced as "en" more often than in other dialects.
• Gemination or dropping of D in some contexts, e.g in intervocalic posttonic position as in fideuà (< fideuada)
• Valencian has preserved in most of its subdialects the mediaeval voiced prepalatal affricate [dʒ] in contexts where other modern dialects have developed fricatives [ʒ] (feature shared with modern Ribagorçan)
• Several variations for nosaltres; vosaltres (we, you):mosatros, moatros, natros; vosatros, voatros, valtros; also for the weak form mos instead of standard nos (us)
• Most Valencian varieties preserve the final stop in the groups [mp] [nt] [ŋk] [lt] (feature shared with modern Balearic). The sub-dialect spoken in Benifaió and Almussafes, some 20 km south of Valencia, remarks these final consonants.
• Valencian is the only modern variant that articulates etymological final [r] in all contexts, although this cannot be generalized since there are Valencian sub-dialects which do not articulate the final [r] or only articulate it in some contexts.

Particles and pronouns

• In general, use of modern forms of the determinate article (el, els) and the 3rd person unstressed object pronouns (el, els), though some sub-dialects (for instance the one spoken in Vinaròs area) preserve etymological forms lo, los as in Lleida. For the other unstressed object pronouns, etymological old forms (me, te, se, ne, mos, vos...) can be found, depending on places, in conjunction with the more modern reinforced ones (em, et, es, en)
• The adverbial pronoun hi is almost never used in speech and is replaced by other pronouns. The adverbial pronoun en is used less than in Catalonia and the Balearic islands.^[15]
• Combined weak clitics with li preserve the li, whereas in Central Catalan it is replaced by hi. For example, the combination li+el gives li'l in Valencian and l'hi in Central Catalan.
• Valencian preserves the mediaeval system of demonstratives with three different levels of demonstrative precision (este or aquest/açò/ací, eixe or aqueix/això/aquí, aquell/allò/allí or allà) (feature shared with modern Ribagorçan and Tortosí.)

Different spelling of words with the same etymology

• Cardinal numbers (8, 19, 68, 200, 1000000): Huit, deneu, xixanta-huit, dos-centes, milló for vuit, dinou, seixanta-vuit, dues-centes, milió, although dos-centes is also found outside Valencian and in many regions of Catalonia seixanta is pronounced [ʃi'ʃanta], as in Valencian.
• Meua, teua, seua for meva, teva, seva, a feature shared with North-Western Catalan.
• Hui for avui.
• Ordinal numbers (5th, 6th, 20th): quint, sext, vigèsim for cinquè, sisè, vintè, although the former are also found outside Valencian: la quinta columna, el vigèsim regiment...

Different choice of words

• For example, "please" in Catalonia is usually si us plau or sisplau, which is close to the French s'il vous plaît; In Valencian per favor is more common, which is closer to the Spanish por favor, although per favor is used in all the Catalan-speaking areas.)^[15]

Some other features, such as the use of molt de or the lack of hom or geminate l, are often given as examples of differences between Valencian varieties and other forms of the language. However, these are actually differences between colloquial and literary language, and, again, may not apply to specific sub-dialects. In fact, northern and southern variants of Valencian share more features with western Catalan (Lower Ebro river area for instance) than with central Valencian.^{[citation needed]} For this reason some of the features listed previously do not apply to them.

• Transitional Valencian or Tortosí: spoken only in the northern part of the province of Castelló in towns like Benicarló or Vinaròs, the area of Matarranya in Aragon (province of Teruel), and a southern border area of Catalonia surrounding Tortosa, in the province of Tarragona. Final "r" isn't pronounced in infinitive ("kan'ta" instead of "kan'tar" is pronounced) and archaic articles "lo, los" are used instead of "el, els" (lo xic, los hòmens).
• Castellonenc: spoken in an area surroinding the city of Castelló de la Plana. Its main feature is the use of "e" sound instead of standard "a" (Als matins ell "cante" en la dutxa instead of ell "canta" - He sings in the shower in the morning), the pronunciation of "ts" [tʃ] and "tz" [dʒ] (dotze -twelve- ['dodze] -> ['dodʒe], pots -cans, jars, you can- [pots] -> [potʃ]) and the progressive fusion of [ʃ] to [s] (caixa -box- ['kajʃa] -> ['kajsa]).
• Central or apitxat, spoken in Valencia city and its area, but not used as standard by the Valencian media. Apitxat has two distinct features:
  • All voiced sibilants get unvoiced (that is, apitxat pronounces [ˈtʃobe] [ˈkasa] (young man, house), where other Valencians would pronounce [ˈdʒove], [ˈkaza]) (feature shared with Ribagorçan)
  • It preserves the strong simple past, which has been substituted by an analytic past with VADERE + infinitive in the rest of modern Catalan variants. For example "ahir aní a passejar" instead of "ahir vaig anar a passejar" (I went for a walk yesterday).
• Southern: spoken in the contiguous comarques located in the southernmost part of the Valencia province and the northernmost part in the province of Alicante. This subdialect is considered as Standard Valencian. The main feature is vowel harmony (harmonia vocàl·lica): the final syllable of a disyllabic word adopts a preceding open E or O if the final vowel is A. For example, "terra" [tɛrɛ] (earth or land), "porta" [pɔɾtɔ] (door) or "dona" [dɔnɔ] (woman). This subdialect pronounces geminated letters (tl [ll] and tn [nn]) and weak pronouns are "reinforced" in front of the verb (em, en, et, es) contrary to other subdialects which maintains "full form" (me, ne, te, se).
• Alacantí: spoken in the southern half of the province of Alicante, and the area of Carche in Murcia. Principal features are: the elision of all intervocalical -d- (roda -wheel- ['rɔ·a], nadal -Christmas- [na·'al]), iod is not pronounced in "ix" [jʃ] -> [ʃ] (caixa -box- ['kaʃa]), final "r" isn't pronounced in infinitive ("kan'ta" instead of "kan'tar" is pronounced), there are some archaisms like: ans instead of abans -before-, manco instead of menys -less-, dintre instead of dins -into- or devers instead of cap a -direction to- and there are more interferences with Spanish than other dialects: assul (from "azul" -blue-) instead of blau, llimpiar (from "limpiar" -to clean-) instead of netejar or sacar (from "sacar" -take out-) instead of traure.

• Alguerese
• Balearic Catalan
• Valencian Sign Language
• Xe (interjection)

• Similar linguistic controversies in Europe
  • Macedonian and Bulgarian
  • Moldovan and Romanian
  • Occitan, Gascon and Provençal
  • Serbian and Croatian

• Colomina i Castanyer, Jordi, (1995). Els valencians i la llengua normativa. Textos universitaris. Alicante: Institut de Cultura "Juan Gil-Albert". ISBN 84-7784-178-0.
• Garcia Moya, Ricart (1942), Diccionari Historic del Idioma Valencia Modern, Valencia 2006, ISBN 84-934687-5-4
• Guinot, Enric (1999). Els fundadors del Regne de València. Edicions 3i4, Valencia 1999. ISBN 84-7502-592-7
• Salvador i Gimeno, Carles (1951). Gramàtica valenciana. Associació Cultural Lo Rat Penat. Valencia 1995. ISBN 84-85211-71-5 .
• Salvador i Gimeno, Carles (1963). Valencians i la llengua autòctona durant els segles XVI, XVII i XVIII. Institució Alfons el Magnànim. València. ISBN 84-370-5334-X.
• Sanchis i Guarner, Manuel (1934, 1967). La llengua dels valencians. Edicions 3i4, Valencia 2005. ISBN 84-7502-082-8 .
• Ubieto Arteta, Antonio (1923, 1990), Orígenes del Reino de Valencia. Zaragoza 1979, ISBN 84-7013-154-0.
• Valor i Vives, Enric (1973). Curs mitjà de gramàtica catalana, referida especialment al País Valencià. Grog Editions, València 1999. ISBN 84-85211-45-6 .
• Puerto Ferre, Teresa y Culla Hernandez, Joan Ignaci. Cronología Histórica de la Lengua Valenciana. Diputación de Valencia. Valencia. 2007. ISBN 978-84-7795-470-5.
• Puerto Ferre, Teresa. Lengua Valenciana una lengua suplantada. Diputación de Valencia. Valencia. 2006. ISBN 84-7795-406-2.

• Official references
  • Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua
  • Valencian dictionary
  • Ethnologue report for the Valencian language
  • Institut Joan Lluís Vives
  • Royal Academy of Valencian Culture
• Documents and references
  • Template:Es icon Disputing theories about Valencian origin
  • The origins and evolution of language secessionism in Valencia. An analysis from the transition period until today
  • Template:Es icon Article from El Pais (25 October 2005) regarding report on use of Valencian published by Servei d’Investicació i Estudis Sociolinguístics